the depoliticization of social reality

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I thought this statement of Manfred Steger’s interesting:

“The values disseminated by transnational media enterprises secure not only the undisputed cultural hegemony of popular culture, but also lead to the depoliticization of social reality and the weakening of civic bonds.” (p.81)

(obviously, I haven’t provided the context in which he made it, but it is an interesting statement, that’s all!)

Ref: Manfred B. Steger (c2003) Globalization: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press: Oxford

‘Defining’ globalization

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In his (c2003) Globalization: A Very Short Introduction, Manfred B. Steger offers an incredibly lucid account of the subject. I really enjoyed it and (as with all the books in this series), found it quick and easy to read, as well as helpful in providing a kind of cognitive framework around which to work…. Steger explains:

Since its earliest appearance in the 1960s, the term ‘globalization’ has been used in both popular and academic literature to describe a process, a condition, a system, a force, and an age. Given that these competing labels have very different meanings, their indiscriminate usage is often obscure and invites confusion. For example, a sloppy conflation of process and condition encourages circular definitions that possess little explanatory power. For example, the often-repeated truism that ‘globalization [the process] leads to more globalization [the condition]’ does not allow us to draw meaningful analytical distinctions between causes and effects. Hence, I suggest that we use the term globality to signify a social condition characterized by the existence of global economic, political, cultural, and environmental interconnections and flows that make many of the currently existing borders and boundaries irrelevant. Yet, we should not assume that ‘globality’ refers to a determinate endpoint that precludes any further development. Rather, this concept points to a particular social condition that, like all conditions, is destined to give way to new, qualitatively distinct constellations. For example, it is conceivable that globality might be transformed into something we could call ‘planetarity’ – a new social formation brought about by the successful colonization of our [-p.8] solar system. Moreover, we could easily imagine different social manifestations of globality: one might be based primarily on values of individualism and competition, as well as on an economic system of private property, while another might embody more communal and cooperative social arrangements, including less capitalistic economic relations. These possible alternatives point to the fundamentally indeterminate character of globality; it is likely that our great-grandchildren will have a better sense of which alternative is likely to win out.

Conversely, the term globalization should be used to refer to a set of social processes that are thought to transform our present social condition into one of globality. At its core, then, globalization is about shifting forms of human contact. Indeed, the popular phrase ‘globalization is happening’ contains three important pieces of information: first, we are slowly leaving behind the condition of modernity that gradually unfolded from the 16th century onwards; second, we are moving toward the new condition of (postmodern) globality; and, third, we have not yet reached it. Indeed, like ‘modernization’ and other verbal nouns that end in the suffix ‘-ization’, the term ‘globalization’ suggests a sort of dynamism best captured by the notion of ‘development’ or ‘unfolding’ along discernible patterns. Such unfolding may occur quickly or slowly, but it always corresponds to the idea of change, and, therefore, denotes the transformation of present conditions.

Hence, scholars who explore the dynamics of globalization are particularly keen on pursuing research questions related to the theme of social change. How does globalization occur? What is driving globalization? Is it one cause or a combination of factors? Is globalization a uniform or an uneven process? Is globalization extending modernity or is it a radical break? How does globalization differ from previous social developments? Does globalization create new forms of inequality and hierarchy? Notice that the conceptualization of globalization as an ongoing process rather than as a static condition forces the researcher to pay [-p.9] close attention to shifting perceptions of time and space. This explains why globalization scholars assign particular significance to historical analysis and the reconfiguration of social space.

To argue that globalization refers to a set of social processes propelling us towards the condition of globality may eliminate the danger of circular definitions, but it gives us only one defining characteristic of the process: movement towards greater interdependence and integration. Such a general definition of globalization tells us very little about its remaining qualities. In order to overcome this deficiency, we must identify additional qualities that make globalization different from other sets of social processes. Yet, whenever researchers raise the level of specificity in order to bring the phenomenon in question into sharper focus, they also heighten the danger of provoking scholarly disagreements over definitions. Our subject is no exception. One of the reasons why globalization remains a contested concept is because there exists no scholarly consensus on what kinds of social processes constitute its essence.

Despite such strong differences of opinion, however, it is possible to detect some thematic overlap in various scholarly attempts to identify the essential qualities of globalization processes [a statement, Steger goes on to discuss….]” (pp.7-9)

“…globalization involves the intensification and acceleration of social exchanges and activities. The Internet relays distant information in mere seconds, and satellites provide consumers with real-time pictures of remote events. As Anthony Giddens notes in his definition, the intensification of worldwide social relations means that local happenings are shaped by evens occurring far away, and vice versa. In other words, the seemingly opposing processes of globalization and localization actually imply each other. The ‘local’ and the ‘global’ form the endpoints of a spatial continuum whose central portion is marked by the ‘national’ and the ‘regional’.” (p.11)

“As images and ideas can be more easily and rapidly transmitted from one place to another, they profoundly impact the way people experience their everyday lives. Today, cultural practices frequently escape fixed localities such as town and nation, eventually acquiring new meanings in interaction with dominant global themes.” (p.70)

“…globalization is an uneven process, meaning that people living in various parts of the world are affected very differently by this gigantic transformation of social structures and cultural zones. Hence, the social processes that make up globalization have been analysed and explained by various commentators in different, often contradictory ways.” (p.13)

“Like all social processes, globalization contains an ideological dimension filled with a range of norms, claims, beliefs, and narratives about the phenomenon itself. For example, the heated public debate over whether globalization represents a ‘good’ or a ‘bad’ thing occurs in the arena of ideology.” (p.93)

“Glowing neoliberal narratives of globalization have shaped a large part of public opinion around the world, even where people’s daily experiences reflect a less favourable picture.” (p.96)

“Today, neoliberal decision makers have had to become expert designers of an attractive ideological container for their market-friendly political agenda. Given that the exchange of commodities constitutes the core activity of all market societies, the discourse of globalization itself has turned into an extremely important commodity destined for public consumption.” (p.96)

“The neoliberal portrayal of globalization as some sort of natural force, like the weather or gravity, makes it easier for globalists to convince people that they must adapt to the discipline of the market if they are to survive and prosper.” (p.100)

“Once large segments of the population have accepted the globalist image of a self-directed juggernaut that simply runs its course, it becomes extremely difficult to organize resistance movements. As ordinary people cease to believe in the possibility of choosing alternative social arrangements, globalism’s capacity to construct passive consumer identities gains even greater strength.” (p.103)

“Even if one were to accept the central role of the economic dimension of globalization, there is no reason to believe that these processes must necessarily be connected to the deregulation of markets. An alternative view might instead suggest linking globalization to the creation of a global regulatory framework that would make markets accountable to international political institutions.” (p.99)

“The dominant ideology of our time, globalism has chiselled into the minds of many people around the world a neoliberal understanding of globalization, which, in turn, is sustained and reconfirmed by powerful political institutions and economic corporations. Yet, no single ideology ever enjoys absolute dominance. Gaps between ideological claims and people’s actual experience may usher in a crisis for the dominant paradigm. At such a time, dissenting social groups find it easier to convey to the public their own ideas, beliefs, and practices.

As the 20th century was drawing to a close, antiglobalist arguments began to receive more attention in the public discourse on globalization, a process aided by a heightened awareness of how extreme corporate profit strategies were leading to widening global disparities in wealth and well-being Between 1999 and 2001, the contest between globalism and its ideological challengers erupted in street confrontations in many cities around the world, climaxing in an unprecedented terrorist attack on the Unites States that claimed over 3,000 lives. Who are these antiglobalist forces?” (p.113) Steger then responds to this question, dividing the antiglobalists into two groups – which he groups under the terms ‘Particularist protectionism’ and ‘Universalist protectionism’ – and separates according to the following logic, which is fascinating on several levels: “…let us keep in mind that these groups must be distinguished not only in terms of their political agendas but also with regard to the means they are willing to employ in their struggle against globalization – means that range from terrorist violence to nonviolent parliamentarian methods.” (p.115) [Can we divide the ‘democracies’ of the world according to the same criteria???]

“Without question, the terrorist attacks of 11 September have seriously impacted the shape and direction of those social processes that go by the name of globalization. ” (p.134)

Ref: Manfred B. Steger (c2003) Globalization: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press: Oxford

Globalization

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Okay, so it was 10 years ago and that may be contextually relevant, but still… in his Preface to Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (I do really like this series), Manfred Steger states:

“…the discussion of economic matters must be a significant part of any comprehensive account of globalization, but the latter should not be conflated with the former. The present volume makes the case that globalization is best thought of as a multidimensional set of social processes that resists being confined to any single thematic framework. Indeed, the transformative powers of globalization reach deeply into the economic, political, cultural, technological, and ecological dimensions of contemporary social life.” (Preface, np)

“In addition,” he continues, “globalization contains important discursive aspects in the form of ideologically charged narratives that put before the public a particular agenda of topics for discussion, questions to ask, and claims to make. The existence of these narratives shows that globalization is not merely an objective process, but also a plethora of stories that define, describe, and analyse that very process. The social forces behind these competing accounts of globalization seek to endow this relatively new buzzword with norms, values, and meanings that not only legitimate and advance specific power interests, but also shape the personal and collective identities of billions of people. In order to shed light on these rhetorical manoeuvres, any introduction to globalization ought to examine its ideological dimension. After all, it is mostly the question of whether globalization ought to be considered a ‘good’ or a ‘bad’ thing that has spawned heated debates in classrooms, boardrooms, and on the streets.” (Preface, np, italics in original)

“…globalization studies calls for an interdisciplinary approach broad enough to behold the ‘big picture’. Such a comprehensive intellectual enterprise may well lead to the rehabilitation of the academic generalist whose status, for too long, has been overshadowed by the specialist.”  (Preface, np)

“I welcome the progressive transformation of social structures that goes by the name of globalization, provided that the global flow of ideas and commodities, and the rapid development of technology, go hand in hand with greater forms of freedom and equality for all people, as well as with more effective protection of our global environment. The brunt of my critique is directed at particular manifestations and tendencies of globalization that strike me as being at odds with the noble cosmopolitan vision of a more egalitarian and less violent global order.”  (Preface, np)

Ref: Manfred B. Steger (c2003) Globalization: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press: Oxford

On globalisation and new visions of our world

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Reading the conclusion to Manfred Steger’s (2009, third edition) Globalisms, I couldn’t help but think of the many dystopian fictions being published at the moment – and the way they might be taught in the classroom… Steger writes:Globalisms

“…in the face of towering global problems like terrorism, nuclear weapons, climate change, poverty, and inequality, it seems that the world desperately needs fundamental change expressed in a fundamentally different vision of what our planet could look like. We have reached perhaps the most critical juncture in the history of our species. Lest we are willing to jeopardize our collective future, we must link the future course of globalization to a global new deal agenda. As we have emphasized throughout this book, there is nothing wrong with greater manifestations of social interdependence that emerge as a result of globalization as long as these transformative social processes address our global problems before it is too late. And we may have less time to act than we think.

The United States of America and rising powers like China, India, and Brazil carry a special responsibility to put their collective weight behind a form of globalization that is not defined by economic self-interest alone but, rather, is deeply infused with ethical concerns for humanity and out natural environment. In order to tackles our global problems, the people of the world need to pressure their political leaders for a global new deal that, in the cosmopolitan vision of British economist George Monbiot, would be sustained by novel global political and economic institutions such as a World Parliament, a Fair Trade Organization, and an International Clearing Union. Monbiot’s plea for the reconsideration of the role of ethics in global politics and economics has been echoed by many prominent spiritual and religious leaders, some of whom have explicitly called for a ‘global ethic’ that would serve as the normative framework for a democratic society. For the Swiss theologian Hans Küng, for example, a global ethic contains four commitments: to a culture of nonviolence and respect for life, to a culture of solidarity and a just economic order, to a culture of tolerance and a life of truthfulness, and to a culture of equal rights, particularly racial and gender equality. The Dalai Lama concurs, adding that imparting [-p.167] a critical mind and a sense of universal responsibility to the young is especially important. Ideals consititute the engine of progress; hence, it is imperative to introduce new generations to an ethical vision for a global society.

For academics and educators, the most obvious step in this effort consists of developing a critical theory of globalization that contests both the script of market globalism and jihadist globalism while subjecting the claims of justice globalism to sustained scrutiny. Indeed, education and the media are key dimensions in any progressive strategy built around the idea that ‘another world is possible.’ Once harmful articulations of the global imaginary and their corresponding power bases in society begin to lose their grip on the construction of meaning, alternative interpretations of globalization can circulate more freely in public discourse. As a result, more and more people will realize that they have a stake in shaping the world they want to live in.

Thus, the three future scenarios laid out in this conclusion remain inextricably intertwined with matters of ideology: the kinds of ideas, values, and beliefs about globalization that shape our communities. It would be imprudent to expect that the great ideological struggle of the twenty-first century will end anytime soon, but it would be equally foolish to bank on humanity’s inability to arrive at general principles that govern the world in a more peaceful, sustainable, and just manner.” (pp.166-167)

Ref: (emphases in blue bold mine) Manfred B Steger (2009)Globalisms: The Great Ideological Struggle of the Twenty-First Century. Third Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth UK.

Global Ideologies and Urban Landscapes

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hmmm this book looks good…

Global Ideologies and Urban Landscapes: Rethinking Globalizations

By Manfred B. Steger (Edited by), Anne McNevin (Edited by)

How do political ideologies and urban landscapes intersect in the context of globalization? This volume illuminates the production of ideologies as both discursive and spatial phenomena in distinct contributions that ground their analysis in cities of the Global North and South. From Sydney to Singapore, Hong Kong to Hanoi

Global Ideologies and Urban Landscapes

, Las Vegas to Macau, conventional public spaces are in decline as sites of ideological dissent. Instead, we are witnessing the colonisation of urban space by market globalism (today’s dominant global ideology) and securitised surveillance regimes. Against this backdrop, how should we interpret the proliferation of metaphors that claim to communicate the essence of global transformation? In what ways do space and language work together to normalise the truth claims of powerful ideological players? What kinds of social forces mobilise to contest the cooptation of language and space and to pose alternative local and global futures? This volume poses these questions against the collapse of old geographical scales and cartographic techniques for identifying the contours of civil society. The city acts as an entry point to a new spatial analytics of contemporary ideological forces. This book was published as a special issue of Globalizations.

Table of Contents

1. Global Ideologies and Urban Landscapes: Introduction Manfred B. Steger (RMIT University, Professor of Global Studies) and Anne McNevin (RMIT University, Research Fellow) 2. After Neoliberalization? Neil Brenner (New York University, Professor of Sociology and Metropolitan Studies), Jamie Peck (University of British Columbia, Canada Research Chair in Urban and Regional Political Economy) and Nik Theodore (University of Illinois, Chicago, Associate Professor and Director of the Center for Urban Economic Development) 3. Provoking ‘globalist Sydney’: neoliberal summits and spatial reappropriation James Goodman (University of Technology Sydney, Associate Professor) 4. Toronto’s Distillery District: Consumption and Nostalgia in a Post-Industrial Landscape Margaret Kohn (University of Toronto, Associate Professor) 5. Delhi: Global mobilities, identity and the postmodern consumption of place Chris Hudson (RMIT University, Senior Lecturer) 6. Materializing the Metaphors of Global Cities: Singapore and Silicon Valley Terrell Carver (University of Bristol, Professor of Political Theory) 7. Gaming Space: Casinopolitan Globalism from Las Vegas to Macau Timothy W. Luke (Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Distinguished Professor of Political Science) 8. Border Policing and Sovereign Terrain: The Spatial Framing of Unwanted Migration in Australia and Melbourne Anne McNevin (RMIT University, Research Fellow) 9. Hong Kong and Berlin: Alternative Scopic Regimes Michael J Shapiro (University of Hawaii, Professor of Political Science) 10. An Emergent Landscape of Inequality in Southeast Asia: Cementing Socio-Spatial Inequalities in Viet Nam James H. Spencer (University of Hawaii at Manoa, Associate Professor)

About the Author

Manfred B. Steger is Professor of Global Studies and Research Leader of the Globalization and Culture Program of the Global Cities Research Institute at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology. He is also a Senior Research Fellow at the Globalization Research Center at the University of Hawai’i-Manoa. He has served as an academic consultant on globalization for the US State Department and as an advisor to the PBS TV series, “Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism.” Anne McNevin is Research Fellow in the Globalism Research Centre, RMIT University, Melbourne. She is the author of Contesting Citizenship: Irregular Migrants and New Frontiers of the Political, forthcoming with Columbia University Press. Her research into irregular migrant activism and the transformation of citizenship is also published in New Political Science, Review of International Studies and Citizenship Studies.

Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 041559863X
EAN: 9780415598637
Dimensions: 24.64 x 18.8 x 1.27 centimeters (0.46 kg)